The Quiet Convictions of Bernard Landry

Bernard Landry, who was already in the forefront of public life in the 1960s, has been closely associated with the political evolution of Québec for three decades. In the current government under Jacques Parizeau, he is one of the cabinet ministers most passionate about economic issues. Here he explains his vision of Québec's destiny in a context of global markets and describes his aspirations for Québec on the international scene.

Interview conducted by Nicole Proulx

How would you describe the sovereignist aims of the Québec government?

I would like to start by emphasizing that the sovereignist vision of the Québec government is by no means inward looking. it is not founded on fear of the outside world, nor a rejection of the values of modern societies. On the contrary, what we are offering to Québeckers is an opportunity to participate fully in the family of nations and to make our own contributions, without animosity toward anyone but without any intermediary either, since Québeckers have their own voice to be heard. We are offering them the chance to take their own destiny in hand, once and for all, so that more than ever they can look outward, have their say in global issues that affect us all and assume full responsibility for their successes and possible failures. Our approach is in no way focussed on the past: our goals are perfectly in step with the context of global trade.

If Québec becomes a sovereign state, what role do you see for international affairs in the development of this new country, and what concrete steps would you take to exercise these new powers?

A sovereign Québec would take on all the powers of the federal government in Ottawa, with all the authority and means now held by Ottawa, in proportion to its population. At present, these means are completely disproportionate. There are more federal diplomats in the city of Washington alone than there are Québec diplomats around the world. We would have to establish clear international relations, in keeping with our interests, but also reflecting our cultural and linguistic priorities. On the one hand, in addition to the United States, the community of French-speaking nations and Latin America would probably play an important role; on the other hand, given our past membership in the Commonwealth and the British Empire, we would want to maintain links with those countries.

What reaction would you expect from the international community?

I don't really have the space here to detail our expectations concerning the entire world. Let's begin with our continent, North America. All informed participants know that Québec was strongly in favour of continental integration and that a bilateral Canada-United States trade treaty would never have been possible without the massive support of both the opposition and government parties in the Québec National Assembly. We hope that this will be recognized and that we will be admitted to the trade agreements on our continent as valued partners.

From the international community we expect understanding, and intellectual and economic cooperation. Non-interference and non-indifference are the keywords, the position that we hope for and the one most countries have adopted.

We do not feel that other nations should help us to build Québec independence, but we are sure that once Québec has made its decision, this independence will be recognized. Why? Because over the last four or five years, thirty new countries have become members of the the United Nations. The international community with Canada leading the way, has recognized Ukraine, Slovenia, the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic. Why would it not do the same for Québec?

What advantages would there be for Québec join NAFTA as a sovereign state, rather than as a Canadian province? What would it change for you?

The ability to be present at the bargaining table would change everything. We could act directly, defend our own interests and build alliances with countries that share our interests. Of course, we already benefit from the GATT as a Canadian province. But all countries of the European Union negotiate individually under the GATT, while maintaining their European voice.

Québec is many-faceted and egalitarian society, 82% Francophone. How would the constitution of a sovereign Québec deal with the expectations of minority groups, especially of Anglophones and Amerindians?

Québec and its political evolution are not defined in terms of ethnicity. Québec is a territorial, geographic and national entity. The Québec nations has had many members, right from the beginning. The human fabric of Québec has long consisted of many threads, and in the last twenty years, with the growth of immigration, this multifaceted face has become even more evident. Proportionately, Québec is an even more open society than the United Sates and France, and this will not change.

It must be remembered, however, that two of these groups have specific historic rights: the Anglophones, whom I sincerely believe are the best treated minority in the world, and the Amerindians, who are a case that is by no means specific to Québec. Christopher Columbus did not discover Québec, he discovered North and South America. The Amerindian question is proportionately of greater importance in the United States, Mexico and the rest of Canada, since less than one percent of the population of Québec is officially Amerindian. These two groups have specific rights. For Anglophones, we see their status being maintained, and improved if possible. For Amerindians, who are already better treated here than almost any where else, we will try to continue to lead by example.

When you speak to foreign businesspeople, and investors, what do you tell them to convince them of the economic advantages of a soveriegn Québec?

The best strategies for Québec in its efforts to attract foreign investment are truthfulness and openness. With Québec's proximity to the U.S. market, its infrastructures, its tax incentives for R&D, its economy concentrated on value-added sectors and its human potential, we feel that Québec is fertile ground for investment. These are all undeniable advantages. We don't need to spin tales when the truth suffices.

Finally, what about government debt? Could this factor have an effect on Québec's image abroad and on the achievement of sovereignty?

Canada, in its economic disorder, is dragging Québec with it. This has consequences on our currency and on the debt that we will be able to asume in the future. We cannot avoid the fact: this is Canada's situation, making it Québec's situation as well. However, the reorganization of Canada into two sovereign countries will give us the opportunity to settle the debt, to settle the constitutional question that is partially responsible for this debt. The weakness of our political arrangements has saddled us with joint programs financed by Ottawa but managed by the provinces. This muddle largely stems from the fact the our Constitution is no longer workable. If we separate, Canada can put its house in order at the same time we do.